Parties-Phantoms, Parties - State Institutions, Parties - State Enterprises

20 parties have registered in the current election campaign. Many people say it is a too big number for such a small country as Moldova. At the same time, much more parties could take part in the election campaign.

Activists launch Moldova’s first ‘Space Camp’ © Susan Coughtrie

Hunting for votes

Headlines

• "Moldova Azi" information portal is changing its format and editorial content, Centrul pentru Jurnalism Independent, 8 August 2011, 15:19
• Moldovan students queue up to apply for scholarships in Romania, Info-Prim Neo, 4 August 2011, 13:44
• Ukrainian scholarships not very popular in Moldova, Info-Prim Neo, 2 August 2011, 14:58
• Kent Larson: USAID will always support process of Moldova democratization, INFOTAG, 1 August 2011, 13:42
• Parliament sets up new commission - for checking civil servants' property and incomes, INFOTAG, 29 July 2011, 9:00
• Scandal in Moldovan parliament over deputies' relatives, INFOTAG, 29 July 2011, 9:00

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The Republic of Moldova is such a small country that there is enough hunting space on its territory only for the president of the republic. Serafim Urechean stated on Sunday, on Pro TV, that after 2001, the year when communists came to power, he stopped hunting, since all forests were occupied by Vladimir Voronin.

Given the fact that the communist leader and the MNA (Moldova Noastra Alliance) president share the same hobby, there's no wonder they do not fit in Basarabian forrests. I am afraid that if European leaders, who watch the state of political flora and fauna on the continent did not intervene, the governing party and the opposition would not be able to co-exist. The former would take the latter out of the forest and of the public life. However, given the situation, they are forced to tolerate each other.

Anyway, Vladimir Voronin, the number one hunter, took care to ensure a privileged shooting point for himself. The engines of his propagandistic machines, many more than those of the democrats, already started to work at maximum capacity. As if this advantage is not enough, the president, helped by Rosca's satellite party, looks forward to eliminating the Pro TV station, the only Moldovan channel known on European and international level, which effectively adheres to Western standards of objectivity and equidistance, from the media market.

Under these circumstances, the election campaign, which is about to start, is very similar to the one organized 4 years ago. Just like in 2004-2005, the democrats enter the battle field with a huge handicap, because the governing party abusively obtained many favors and bargains, which in the end risk turning the elections into a simple arrangement.

Just like four years ago, our elections will take place after the elections in Romania and Ukraine. Like in 2005, the future elections have strong ideological implications. The competing parties do not compete, they exclude each other, acting as if the electoral competition is some kind of life and death confrontation between the archangels of good and Satan's legions.

What makes the difference between 2009 and 2008 elections is the fact that CPRM is the only fearful competitor who remained on the scene. All its opponents, who may have a word to say in the future elections, are new. Neither MNA, nor LDPM, LP, DP participated in the elections four years ago. From this point of view, the governing party has an advantage compared to the opposition parties.

But the label of the Communist Party, most probably, does not have the magic power it had eight or four years ago anymore, because the product it represented turned out to be fake and it was compromised. Voronin is the only brand able to carry the CPRM towards a new victory. In these circumstances, all the rumors about his replacement by a successor are nonsense.

The Communist Party, which in 2001 and in 2005 was a magnet attracting all the votes covered in dust, now, being rotten inside, is totally out of order and doesn't make anything other than smoke, a sign that its entrails are on fire. This is why the opposition has now reason to fear that Voronin will resign before the term ends and the parliamentary majority will elect another president before the 2009 election. The Communists do not need this risky performance, since the future head of state will have no real power if he does not count on parliamentary majority. This is why CPRM, using it's actual and, probably, future leader as a shield, will look forward to wining more parliament member mandates to form the government.

Thus the opposition has a single competitor worth taking into account. This is no other than Voronin. The democrats are mistaken when trying to demonize communism, to show the weaknesses of CPRM as a governing party. Acting this way, they waste a lot of energy, because they are trying to force an open door. Most of the voters no longer believe in the return of communism, or in the false identity of CPRM. Because of his image as a powerful and active man, Voronin keeps a certain level of credibility. That is why democrats can win only by showing that the king is naked. Moreover, they have to offer pleasant alternatives. The opposition must bring forward leaders who could outshine the actual president. Indeed, politically speaking, he is broke and the creditors are waiting for him around the corner. However, populist and impudent, he is like a fakir, able to swallow flames and deceive everyone that he wears clothes, while being completely naked.

Currently, the opposition has three political figures which, backed by their parties, must confront Voronin. We are talking about Serafim Urechean, Vlad Filat and Dorin Chirtoaca.

Cautious, wise and tenacious, the ace the first one has up his sleeve is experience and celebrity. Urechean is known throughout Basarabia, he had the fame of a skilful mayor, he was the leader of MDB in 2004, and that is why in the eyes of many voters he is the only opposition. MNA currently governs most of district administrations. Weak points: he previously lost to Voronin, he is an introvert and that is why he is not explicit enough. As a result, his position is sometimes perceived as ambiguous.

Dynamic, telegenic, elitist, Vlad Filat has flair. He makes the impression of a modern and pro-European politician, with clear qualities of an educated technocrat. He brought valuable people to the wheel of LDPM. He succeeded in initiating loud political actions and messages. Together with acid criticism of the communist government, he articulated a positive speech meant to convince the voters that he has solid solutions for government. Weak points: he does not efficiently avoid the hits below the belt by his opponents, who speculate on his previous activities.

Intelligent, young and eloquent, Dorin Chirtoaca has charisma and a well selling image. He perfectly meets the expectations of that segment of the electorate who wants a change, EU integration and even unification with Romania. Weak points: lack of experience. He still must prove to the voters that he is a powerful, competent, active politician.

As a conclusion, we will say that all three of them lack what in marketing is called the "key-concept" - in other words, an easy to understand phrase that would synthesize the advantages of the offered political product. Without it they have no weapons against Voronin. It is as if going hunting for bears with a sling.

Added to that, instead of cooperation to defeat the common enemy, the opposition leaders frequently fight each other. It is an extremely dangerous behavior in our political forest, governed, as we all know, by the law of the jungle.