Parties-Phantoms, Parties - State Institutions, Parties - State Enterprises

20 parties have registered in the current election campaign. Many people say it is a too big number for such a small country as Moldova. At the same time, much more parties could take part in the election campaign.

Activists launch Moldova’s first ‘Space Camp’ © Susan Coughtrie

Putting Moldova on the map

Headlines

• "Moldova Azi" information portal is changing its format and editorial content, Centrul pentru Jurnalism Independent, 8 August 2011, 15:19
• Moldovan students queue up to apply for scholarships in Romania, Info-Prim Neo, 4 August 2011, 13:44
• Ukrainian scholarships not very popular in Moldova, Info-Prim Neo, 2 August 2011, 14:58
• Kent Larson: USAID will always support process of Moldova democratization, INFOTAG, 1 August 2011, 13:42
• Parliament sets up new commission - for checking civil servants' property and incomes, INFOTAG, 29 July 2011, 9:00
• Scandal in Moldovan parliament over deputies' relatives, INFOTAG, 29 July 2011, 9:00

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When a crowd of demonstrators stormed Moldova's presidential palace
and parliament building this week, many in the west struggled to
understand what was happening there. Was it a new Ukraine-style
"colour revolution", or a Latvia-style riot sparked by the economic
crisis? The truth is it's neither.

Putting Moldova on the political map of post-Soviet states can be
puzzling. In some ways, Moldova is the most Europeanised state of them
all: Moldovans speak Romanian - an official EU language - and almost
three quarters of the population favour joining the EU. More than half
of Moldova's trade goes to the EU (and only 15% to Russia), while the
majority of Moldovan migrant workers work in the EU.

Yet Moldova is no champion of democratic transition either. On the one
hand, it has avoided the excesses of authoritarian rule that stained
Armenia, Belarus, Russia and Ukraine until 2004. On the other hand, it
has failed to implement genuine reforms or to democratise its
political system in a sustainable way.

The reasons for this week's demonstrations are internal. It's possible
that government agents infiltrated the crowd and instigated violence
in order to discredit the protests and justify a crackdown - a common
tactic of undemocratic governments. There is some video evidence of
this.

But the anger was also fuelled by the breakdown in trust between the
police and the general public. Thanks to its inefficiency and
corruption, the police are one of the least trusted public
institutions in Moldova. Now, the apparent harassment of political
opponents by some policemen has discredited the entire Ministry of
Interior. For many, the ministry is starting to be seen primarily as a
coercive wing of the communist government, rather than as a
law-enforcement agency.

Perhaps more galvanising is the prospect of seeing president Voronin
as the de facto head of state for another four years. According to the
Moldovan constitution, the president must step down at the end of his
current, second term. However, he has announced plans to remain in
politics, perhaps as speaker of parliament. In a system devoid of
democratic ways of solving political crises, street protests become
the only way to settle scores.

The situation in Moldova is the latest in a string of crises erupting
in eastern Europe when EU officials are on holiday: see the Georgian
war in August 2008 and the Ukrainian gas crisis in January 2009. And
it doesn't bode well for the European Union's approach to its eastern
neighbours. Without quick diplomatic action, the Eastern Partnership
summit in early May between the EU and their six eastern neighbours
will be a major embarrassment if it appears to be a meeting between EU
leaders and eastern autocrats.

The EU is the only political actor with the credibility to find a
solution to the current crisis. It is trusted by the government, the
opposition and the general public. Its response should be two-pronged.

First, it must focus on safeguarding human rights in the days ahead,
including stopping indiscriminate police violence and the arrest of
peaceful protesters. It should also ensure press freedom.

Then the EU should dispatch a fact-finding mission to investigate the
violence which occurred on 7 April, in order to identify culprits and
possible government provocateurs. It should also ensure that the riots
aren't used as an excuse for a crackdown against all opposition
parties and civil society activists.

In the medium term, though, the EU needs to work out a political deal
between the government and opposition. Member states need to apply
systematic political pressure. The alternative is bleak: Moldova will
soon slide towards a more consolidated authoritarian political system.
And that would only breed more violence and instability on the EU's
eastern flank.