Parties-Phantoms, Parties - State Institutions, Parties - State Enterprises

20 parties have registered in the current election campaign. Many people say it is a too big number for such a small country as Moldova. At the same time, much more parties could take part in the election campaign.

Activists launch Moldova’s first ‘Space Camp’ © Susan Coughtrie

Moldova - the "Midwife" of the new CIS?

Headlines

• "Moldova Azi" information portal is changing its format and editorial content, Centrul pentru Jurnalism Independent, 8 August 2011, 15:19
• Moldovan students queue up to apply for scholarships in Romania, Info-Prim Neo, 4 August 2011, 13:44
• Ukrainian scholarships not very popular in Moldova, Info-Prim Neo, 2 August 2011, 14:58
• Kent Larson: USAID will always support process of Moldova democratization, INFOTAG, 1 August 2011, 13:42
• Parliament sets up new commission - for checking civil servants' property and incomes, INFOTAG, 29 July 2011, 9:00
• Scandal in Moldovan parliament over deputies' relatives, INFOTAG, 29 July 2011, 9:00

Larger text

Although the summit of prime-ministers of the Community of Independent States (CIS) held last week in Chisinau seemed to be a formal one at first sight, nevertheless it had a special meaning. It is obvious that the participants in this summit tried to lay the foundation for rehabilitation and modernization of the CIS and to attempt a change of priorities both within the Community and with regard to its role in the region. Most probably, these changes have been determined by the Caucasus Crisis last summer, the international financial crisis and the change of Russia's role at regional and international level.

After the Caucasus Crisis and in the context of Russian-Ukrainian relations that are far from being perfect, the CIS is now closer to breakup (at least partial, if not total) than ever. Georgia has initiated the procedure of withdrawal from the CIS; although Ukraine has not done this, it does not hide its sympathies (at least at official level) for the actions of Georgian authorities; declarations on the need to leave the Community as soon as possible are more and more frequently in Moldova (among the opposition), while representatives of parties with real chances to form the future government have even declared that they will raise this issue as a priority right after the elections. All these attitudes, as well as the general feeling that had been created before the events in the Caucasus (the more and more obvious inefficiency of the CIS in economy, regional security and even political fields) created a favorable background for the beginning of the end of the Community. Probably, none of the member states would have opposed a civilized divorce, should that have been the decision, with the only exception of Russia.

It is not a secret that the CIS has become a mechanism, by which Russia maintains its influence on the post-Soviet area, the other Soviet republics being gradually deprived of a number of benefits they used to enjoy in the past due to the existence of the CIS. We can use Moldova as an example. It has to pay increasingly higher prices for the imported Russian gas (in several years, the price will be comparable to that applied in Europe). Or, another example - the considerable reduction of Moldovan wine exports to Russia.

Russia realizes what spirits prevail in the Community, but the biggest problem is that it needs the CIS more than ever. However, Russia also is well aware that in the actual formula the organization is no longer attractive for the majority of its members. Therefore, the summit in Chisinau had an important role of increasing the attractiveness of the CIS. This summit should be considered from two perspectives - political and economic. First of all, it was vitally important for Russia to transmit a message to the West that Georgia's appeals to leave the Community did not find support and continuity in the other states, especially in Moldova, which was facing a similar territorial problem to the two existing in Georgia. Moldovan authorities not only did not make any allusions to a possible abandonment of the CIS, but, on the contrary, by organizing the summit in Moldova and taking over the CIS presidency showed that the current governance was an inveterate supporter of the Community; that it had confidence in its future. Moreover, Chisinau accepted the "generous" support of Russia in exercising the act of CIS presidency in 2009. In other words, Moldova has given its open consent to be used by Russia for CIS consolidation. It would be naïve to believe that Russia will accept the mere role of Moldova's advisor. In reality, Moldova will be imposed (in a diplomatic way, of course) to carry out specific actions that will certainly not be to the disadvantage of Russia. De facto, Russia will be leading the CIS (as it has always been the case in fact), but it will do it with Moldova's hands for more credibility in the eyes of the Community and beyond it.

From the economic perspective, this summit had another meaning - Russia realized that most of CIS partners were no longer motivated to stay in the Community and decided to offer them certain benefits or, at least, to create the impression of doing so. The strategy of economic development of CIS member states with strong focus on the energy sector corresponded very well to this tendency of Russia. By the way, some analysts drew the attention that both the Strategy and the bilateral Moldovan-Russian document on development of economic relations (signed on the same day) were envisaged until 2020, i.e. exactly until when Vladimir Putin could be ruling the country (until 2012 as the prime minister plus two possible consecutive presidential mandates).

In a way, this summit was an unofficial renewal of the oath of vassalage of the CIS countries before Russia, since according to the documents they signed, they undertook to carry out specific actions every year: this year to solve problems in the energy sector, in the following years - to solve problems in transports, agricultural development and food security, innovation strategies, etc. The cherry on the cake, of course, was the commitment of the CIS countries to fight the effects of the world financial crisis together. Russia played quite a fine game there guessing the weakness of the majority of the Community member states - their incapacity to deal with the effects of the crisis alone, which, according to some experts, will be felt in the region especially in the first quarter of the following year. If all the commitments and agreements made in Chisinau are productive, Russia will have an additional argument to insist on the efficiency of the organization and will deprive the opponents of the Community from any chances. From this perspective, even if the Chisinau Summit gave the impression of a summit held in a hurry and as a diversionary move, it could be recorded in history as the summit that laid the foundations of a new CIS, truly based on mutual interest, although Russia's interest will continue to dominate.

Several years ago, when Moldovan governance was giving the impression that it had made its way to Europe and turned its back on Russia, many people were wondering whether Moldova would become the "grave digger" of the CIS? Now, this question is not valid anymore. There is another one instead: is Moldova going to be the "midwife" of the new CIS? The answer to this question is already known and it is not a negative one, even though Moldova is the formal "midwife", while the real one stays in the shadow. We will receive the final answer in the nearest future, including during Moldova's presidency in the CIS in 2009.