29 October 2020

Gheorghe Russu

Vice-director, The Center for Combating Economic Crimes and Corruption

Parties-Phantoms, Parties - State Institutions, Parties - State Enterprises


20 parties have registered in the current election campaign. Many people say it is a too big number for such a small country as Moldova. At the same time, much more parties could take part in the election campaign.

Last week illustrated

Activists launch Moldova’s first ‘Space Camp’ © Susan Coughtrie

Liberal Democrats Want a “Green” President for Moldova

It’s official - the Liberal-Democratic Party of Moldova (LDPM) will participate by itself at the President elections. The formation’s congress will decide who will run as a candidate.
Denis CENUSA, 11 August 2010, 13:22

It's not a secret for anyone that this post has been dreamed of for a long time by Prime Minister Vlad Filat, just for so long as he has envied the democrat Marian Lupu for being among the major figures to have real chances to be President.

The liberal democrats' offensive by means of recruitment of citizens, authorities and representatives of former allies continues on the high level where the party's leader practically confiscates laurels of the success achieved by the whole Alliance for the European Integration (AEI). Filat reminds the society about achievement of the objective claimed at the 2009 elections - to deliver the country from the Communists. However, he forgets that the realization of the goal - "Moldova without Voronin, Moldova without the Communists in the Government" - is also thanks to the Liberal Party (LP) led by Mihai Ghimpu, the Democratic Party (DPM) headed by Marian Lupu and the last but not the least - the Moldova Noastra Alliance (AMN) led by Serafim Urechean. At the same time, the biggest contribution belongs to young people massacred and beaten on April 7th and afterwards who are still discontented with how their tormentors were brought to responsibility. Being the product of the political situation, of the valuable contracts and acquisitions (attraction of famous people from different fields to the party), of the diligence and torments of those who bravely supported the rigidity of the "forces brought up and educated" by the regime of the ex-cop Voronin, the PLDM puts itself into the center of the scene eclipsing others.

Leadership or Betrayal

The leadership assumed by the LDPM was already qualified by the Alliance's leaders as a betrayal of the principles agreed upon in 2009 when the DPM went together with liberal parties to relieve the country from the Communist leadership accepting establishment of the Alliance for the European Integration but also the risk of being excluded from the decision making process what has actually happened. Therefore, the necessity of the temporary coordination of political decisions within the Alliance and only after that their realization remained mostly on paper while the LDPM and the LP were satisfying their individual political desires putting the Democrats and the Moldova Noastra Alliance in the post-factum situations.

After a year of promotion of Lupu's candidature for President of the country and obtainment of the PDM's agreement to support the idea of the plebiscite, the LDPM is bringing "to the cake" someone else wanting them to be the coalition's partner. Filat is basing on the fact that "the times" will change at once after the voting to modify the 78th article of the Constitution but at the same time speaks about the Alliance for the European Integration's continuation insisting that this coalition will become even stronger. In order not to explain the fact that the LDPM isn't satisfied with the second place in the Moldovan politicians "orchestra" and that it wants to become the first party on all levels, the formation's chairman distracts attention of electors promising them that the Alliance will be at least the same viable in future.

Liberal democrats' claims exceed acceptable limits for the coalition's members which have already shown their discontent with the "political cannibalism" practiced by the LDPM swallowing appetizing parts of other parties (such as AMN), while others are offended by the "betrayal of principles blessed by the common agreement in 2009 (the case of the PDM).

The Boom and the Electoral Offer of the Liberal Democrats

The LDPM's growth prospects provide it with the exaggerated dose of trust. Basing on the "green boom", Filat comes out to citizens with a suggestion "to offer them a strong, pragmatic, resolute president, a leader who can appear only in the real and correct political competition, who will have the legitimacy and power which can be given to him only by the people" [1]. Filat's stake is simple - to reach the second voting of the eventual President election and to get even with the Communists with the help of the Alliance's supporters which have been partially betrayed. But this success won't bring a bigger legitimacy to the LDPM candidate than that of M. Ghimpu, the liberal leader who having under 1 percent of credibility before the 2009 elections found himself at the head of the country.

A simple analysis of the LDPM elector's profile demonstrates how narrow the "electoral field" of this party is, especially in comparison with the PDM attracting electors from the Center-Left and even Center-Right. From these considerations, the Alliance's party capable of offering a candidate with the initially high legitimacy is the PDM which unlike the liberals has a clearly balanced external vision.

Another thing arousing suspicions and lack of understanding is that despite noting the importance of continuation of the projects launched during his mandate, meaning, among others, the assistance to the victims of the floods and implementation of necessary reforms at the same time with the deepening of relations with the EU, Vlad Filat is assuring of being capable of fighting for the President's post. This gives rise to a natural question: "What is more important for the LDPM and its leader: the strategic projects launched by the government or the post of the Moldovan President?" Perhaps the liberal democrats want to bring the exhausting "political stability" by taking central positions in the Parliament, Government and President Administration. Given the country's political experience as well as experience of the ex-Soviet states (except Baltic states) it is a risky scenario.

The situation can worsen if a single party irrespectively of its specifics will try to monopolize all levels of power. The main threat will be the possible lack of functionality of the "checks and balances" principle in state structures due to the superiority of one party over the others. The continuing preservation of the Communists in opposition against the background of the single party's monopoly can create premises for unification of some parties of the future Parliament with the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova against the eventual "democratic dictatorship" of the former representatives of the Alliance for European Integration.

The definitions of the "strong president with a clear vision of the country's future, accepted and appreciated by the international community" used by Filat to describe the ideal candidate's characteristics which can be proposed by the LDPM again fail to coincide with the reality.

Filat's "power" resulted first of all from the function taken by him and from his enormous administrative resources, not to mention the immediate opening to the new democratic government demonstrated by the West. A continuing support has existed even in case of M. Ghimpu's, sometimes "alien" for the Europeans, since the West's goal is to put Moldova on the irreversible way of democratization and integration into the European space.

Moldova's European future is incontestable and represents a national priority, that's why, no party can or should pretend as if this interest comes exclusively from it. All parties of the Alliance and even the Communists want good relations with the EU and the future integration into the EU (with some exceptions in case of the PCRM). Therefore, the LDPM is neither the first, no the last political player with the European aspirations and plans.

"The appreciated and acceptable for the international community" candidate cannot be the one of the parties which deteriorate relations with some regional players, either the EU and USA or Russia and other CIS states. Therefore, this criterion isn't applicable to all parties of the Alliance. The LDPM faces certain difficulties in the dialogue with Russia, although has an excellent dialogue with Washington and Brussels. Meanwhile, the wine crisis which can and should be solved first of all by the Moldovan Government headed by Filat denotes certain incapability of having relations with one of the strategic states mentioned in the "Alliance's government plan". Prime Minister managed to achieve some success on the East front (such as the extension of the registration period for Moldovans working in Russia), however these main merits belong to the Foreign Affairs and European Integration Ministry, Foreign Minister and his deputy as well as the Moldovan Ambassador in Moscow who has remained from the Communist times.

The strategy adopted by the LDPM may can have negative effects on consolidation and modernization of the political system regressed by the previous Communist government as well as on the "Euro-projects" that have been launched since the second half of 2009. The major consequences can concern demolition of the Alliance, separation of the Anti-Communist coalition and the indirect revival of the Communists.

Finally, distribution of functions in the future state structures and coordination of actions in the post-electoral period together with other coalition's partners may considerably extend prospects for the LDPM unlike the steps taken by it which lead to self-isolation.


1. The Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova suggests giving a President to the country as its objective


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